Introduction
Slavery of coloured/indigenous people along with colonialism in their homelands, and the systemic racism that went with it, caused and has left deep-rooted socio-economic inequalities in today’s developing countries. Many previously colonised (now developing) countries are in areas of Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America, but slaves and forms of forced labour also came from colonised India and South-East Asia, and the Arab slave trade continued in the Middle East during the colonial period. The colonisers included the British Empire and European countries and empires, but also the Russian Empire, Ottoman Empire, Japan, and the United States of America were colonisers (Wesseling, 2004; Tripathi, 2024) of different regions of the world. Each took slaves or sourced forced labour from various colonised territories. All this represents a vast spread of slavery, racism and colonialism.
Despite this vast spread and differences in slavery practices against coloured peoples, slavery systems had in common the dehumanisation of those people while they were being exploited (Davis, 2000). This applied regardless of gender identities or biological differences between men and women or intersex individuals (Wolff et al, 2022) – all coloured people were capable of being taken as slaves. Similarly, racism and racist acts in the colonial era dehumanised people who were slaves. Racist practices were certainly carried out by individuals, but they were also systemic (Banaji et al, 2021) in colonial economic enterprises and social and political institutions, and directly or indirectly expressed in carrying out their objectives. Racism still persisted against coloured people in developing countries after the end of slavery and colonialism, and remains a dehumanising problem today.
Intersectionality
In terms of the historical picture, generally dehumanisation of people by slavery and racism existed until the end of slavery and colonialism, but racism continued against coloured people and exists in various forms until today. The forms of racism include interpersonal, institutional through policies and procedures, structural or systemic which are the cumulative impacts of racism across society that are perpetuated, and others. These all dehumanise people and many forms of racism have been perpetrated against coloured people in developing countries over generations. It is this continuity (Wilkins, 2020) that connects slavery and racism of the past with racism of today and the inequalities and disparities that have resulted.
Though this makes for a relatively simple argument about the historical long-term impacts of slavery and racism against coloured people in developing countries today, it is supported by scholarly literature and associated studies, some of which are considered below for analysis. While slavery and racism effected all genders (and racism still continues today), there were differences in application and this shaped gender inequality and continues to shape gender inequalities and related gender issues in developing countries today. Under slavery men and women faced some distinct or particular forms of exploitation based on societal perceptions of gender and specific demands forced on them by their enslavers (Paton, 2022).
For example, enslaved men did heavy labour in mines and plantations, while women (though they also worked on plantations) were assigned domestic tasks and childcare of white children. Enslaved women were also sexually exploited given that they were considered the property of enslavers. As well, enslaved women were forced to bear children to increase the future slave population (Morrisey, 2021). Psychological impacts on men (Davis, 2020) and women were also different in that men were denied traditional male roles of protection of their own children and women experienced trauma from sexual violence and reproductive exploitation. These are also examples of racism against coloured people that reinforced gendered expectations and maintained stereotype roles.
That there are considered to be historical long-term impacts of slavery and racism on gender inequalities and gender disparities in developing countries today regarding coloured peoples, demonstrates an intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991; Crenshaw, 2017) between all these issues. Of course, there will be complex interconnections and degrees of oppression from subtle to obvious regarding the people affected and how this comes to be, and some may even argue the linkages are hard to prove. However, correlations, patterns and historical continuities support the argument of intersectionality. In any case, proving any links is really more about making a rational political argument than a scientific one, and a mix of historical analysis, empirical research, and sociological investigation can be considered sufficient proof. That is what prominent scholars have done, which is analysed below.
Scholarly literature and examples of gender inequities
Sylvia Tamale (2020, 38-46, 153), from Uganda, has noted the lasting effects of colonialism, slavery and racism on gender issues in Africa. The link being that colonial regimes, deeply intertwined with the slave trade, imposed patriarchal structures (Wabuke, 2022) on indigenous people that supported prevailing traditional and rigid Western gender roles, thereby suppressing women’s rights and agency. Accordingly, racial and gender hierarchies diminished the status and rights of women, leading to long-lasting gender discrimination in social, economic and political spheres. Whereas, pre-colonial African societies had diverse and often fluid understandings of gender and power (Tamale, 2020, 8, 157, 199). So, colonialism through its social (and political) structures subordinated women. Tamale (2020, 19, 22) argues that these intersecting factors continued to shape economic and social inequalities for women in post-colonial societies. Challenging these patriarchal structures decolonises gender issues, in turn promoting gender equality.
Patricia Hill Collins (2004) has also noted that socio-economic structures rooted in slavery continue to shape disparities in power, political and social representation, and economic opportunities for women in post-colonial societies (Hill Collins, 2004, 53-87). Historically, this has limited women’s opportunities for their own care and development, by relegating them to roles of dependency or servitude, and limited their access to healthcare and reproductive rights (in that a woman had no autonomy over her body), education, employment and political representation. Indeed, the two-fold effects (Davis, 1981) of racial and gender hierarchies (patriarchy) stemming from slavery continue to adversely impact and oppress women of colour, maintaining systems of exploitation and marginalization that persist in developing countries today. There still exists an interlocking socio-economic system where race and gender, as well as class, give rise to women of colour experiencing gender inequality in ways inseparable from the history of colonialism which was in large part based on slavery (Vergès, 2021).
Angela Davis (1981) and others go so far as to assert that the global economy relies on exploitative labour practices that resemble the dynamics of slavery, especially for women of colour in developing countries. That is why, in these countries, in agricultural sectors (as in India for the Dalit and Adivasi communities historically of lower caste) (Sudheesh, 2023) or garment industries (as in Bangladesh) (Peake & Kenner, 2020) women are often subjected to poor working conditions, low wages and limited worker rights. These practices trace back to systems that originated during colonialism and slavery and the commodification of women’s bodies. Through commodification, the economic system prioritizes the profits of the ruling owner class of economic enterprises over the wellbeing of marginalized people, which perpetuates poverty and inequality for women, especially in racial minorities or who are indigenous. This is the same thing that happened through colonial exploitation when wealth generated by slave labour was extracted for the benefit of colonial powers, leaving long-term economic underdevelopment. Such similarities show linkages of past practices with today’s practices.
Cynthia Enloe (2004) also argues that the global economy is built on the backs of women in the Global South, many of whom work in precarious conditions for multinational corporations. These women form part of the ‘precariat’ (Standing, 2014), in that they have job insecurity, low wages, lack of health and welfare benefits, are vulnerable to exploitation due to lack of workforce bargaining power, and may be over-qualified for their job so that education-job mismatch leads to frustration and lack of fulfillment (Standing, 2014). Again, these factors are associated with the history of colonialism and racialized labour systems established by past imperial powers, including slavery, even if the current system has improvements since then, because women of colour are seen as cheap, expendable labour. So, there is a link with practices of the past and of today. Enloe (2004) also notes that women in the Global South are sexualised, objectified and commodified for the economic gain of others, particularly wealthy tourists, which is similar to how women of colour were treated as sexual objects for European colonisers under their patriarchal systems.
Marxists have also analysed current gender inequalities through the lens of class struggle and economic exploitation (Foley, 2019). It is colonialism, slavery and racism that created deeply entrenched systems of oppression that disproportionately affected women of colour, resulting in a “triple burden” (Rodny-Gumede, 2022) of oppression based on race, class and gender. The intersecting of the three helped create unequal labour systems between men and women today. So, the legacy of slavery continued to influence gender disparities in economic roles, access to resources and benefits, and political representation, as well as representation through civil society organizations.
This is further brought out in Gayatri Spivak’s work (2006). She has asserted that global economic power and associated hierarchies are rooted in colonialism, and they perpetuate the marginalisation of women of colour in developing countries by making them “subaltern” voices (Spivak, 1988). What this means is that they are socially, economically and/or politically outside existing hegemonic power structures and thus lack a voice in shaping their own lives socio-economically and politically, making them effectively invisible. Actually, they have been doubly silenced, initially by colonialism and later by post-colonial national and global institutional structures that kept women trapped in subordinate roles due to the historical intersection of race and gender oppression, including through slavery. In this way there are links between the past and present. This was made even worse through epistemic violence (Bartels et al, 2019 ) which involves the destruction of local knowledge systems, cultural expressions, and community identities carried out by colonial powers.
Many more examples can be given, including the following:
- In Brazil and the Dominican Republic Afro-descendant women are more likely to work in low-paying, informal sectors such as domestic work, where they face high levels of exploitation and abuse (Magallanes-Blanco, 2022). Their historical association with servitude being rooted in the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
- In sub-Saharan Africa women continue to face significant barriers to land ownership and economic participation, largely as a result of colonial land policies that favoured men and excluded indigenous women from land inheritance rights (Behr et al, 2023).
- In South Africa, Black women have higher rates of maternal mortality and face significant barriers to accessing reproductive healthcare (Onambele et al, 2022). These disparities are linked to the country’s apartheid history (which stems from Dutch colonialism) during which Black communities were systematically denied healthcare resources.
- In Haiti, a country founded by former enslaved people, high levels of sexual violence and domestic abuse exist against women, particularly poor and marginalized women, which as a tool of control can be traced back to the violent and dehumanizing conditions of slavery (Hernandez-Roy & Rubio, 2024).
Each of these are strong examples of women from historically oppressed racial groups facing compounded disadvantages today.
Moving forward and impact of CEDAW on solutions
There is much more academic literature on the intersecting issues mentioned, which tend to come to similar conclusions. Historical documentation, analysis of colonial laws, policies and administrative practices, and contrast between colonised and non-colonised countries support the conclusions. As well, quantitative data and qualitative ethnographic research (Mahler & Pessar, 2006) on gender inequities can reveal how women were systematically marginalized under colonial rule. Accordingly, the intersectional frameworks used to examine slavery and racist practices against existing gender inequities have played a strong and useful rule in bringing issues to the forefront. This has been borne out in this brief analysis.
However, there are some differences regarding the decolonisation of feminist perspectives, with scholars pointing out that the voices, agency and unique experiences (in different ethnic and national contexts) of coloured women in developing countries are highly relevant and need to be heard more (Enloe, 2004) in shaping humanitarian aid and practices carried out by Western agencies, that have tended to impose Western perspectives and solutions in humanitarian work (Spivak, 2006). This will help dismantle the legacies of slavery and racism from colonial times that still affect women’s political, economic and social rights by giving the recipients of aid more autonomy and say in how it affects their communities. This kind of knowledge and the local practices that can be derived from it are essential in the fight for gender justice (Tamale, 2020).
How then can gender equality be advanced further in developing countries? Dismantling has occurred through application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1979. CEDAW, which has 189 states as parties to it (UNHR, n.d.a), provides a framework for combating gender discrimination and inequality, including from the lingering historical effects of slavery and racism. It has been instrumental in countries passing new laws to comply with CEDAW, particularly in areas like women’s property rights, workplace equality, and access to education and healthcare (Alkuwari, 2022). CEDAW has also encouraged countries to address how gender disparities are worsened by racial and ethnic inequalities. For example, recommendations made pursuant to CEDAW (UNHR, n.d.b) have pushed for the protection and advancement of the rights of Indigenous women, African-descendant women, and other marginalized communities, helping to address the long-term impacts of slavery and colonialism.
In this way, CEDAW has driven policy changes aimed at ensuring social, economic and political empowerment for women, while also prioritizing the elimination of gender disparities in education and healthcare, including by encouraging countries to invest in equal access to education for girls and women and improving their healthcare services. This has contributed to narrowing gender gaps. Also, CEDAW has spurred legislative changes in many developing countries to criminalize and address gender-based violence, including domestic violence, sexual assault, and human trafficking (UNHR, 2014; Montez, 2021). This addresses the long-term impacts of slavery and racism from colonialism that normalized violence against coloured women in developing countries.
More work, however, needs to be done regarding political participation and representation for women in developing countries. CEDAW emphasises the need for women’s equal participation in public and political life. National affirmative action policies aimed at increasing women’s participation in governance have assisted to this end. Some developing countries have introduced gender quotas of various kinds or reserved seats for women in relation to attaining seats in their legislatures. For example, Brazil has a mandatory 30% women candidates quota (though enforcement remains weak) (Gatto & Wylie, 2022), Mozambique set a voluntary 30% female representation in its electoral lists in 1994 (Sawadogo-Lewis et al, 2018), while Senegal requires political parties to ensure gender parity on their candidate lists for elections (Bior, 2024). Uganda reserves one seat for a woman from each parliamentary electoral district (Wang & Yoon, 2018; Tripp, 2019), and Tanzania has legislated a 30% gender quota for women in parliamentary seats (Wang & Yoon, 2018; Mutasingwa, 2023). All these initiatives have increased the participation of women in politics, and in the case of Senegal significantly.
Nevertheless, advocacy must be ongoing. Activist groups and non-government organisations need to continuously leverage CEDAW to bring attention to the unique struggles of women from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, ensuring that their rights are prioritized in national policy discussions. This is in line with broader feminist and anti-racist campaigns and critiques on understanding historical legacies to effectively address current gender and racial inequalities. Increasing the means for activism (and resistance) by women in marginalised ethnic groups is needed (Davis, 1981) given they are often excluded from political decision-making processes. By such avenues, many women have become leaders in activist and resistance movements and at the forefront of grassroots movements for social change (Medina, 2023, Rajeshwari, 2023), advocating for gender equality, racial justice, economic reforms and also reparations for slavery. These strategies, which are CEDAW based, have been successful by progressive norms supplanting old norms.
Conclusion
The legacies of slavery and racism have had enduring impacts on gender issues for women in developing countries, exacerbating inequalities. Tackling these challenges requires addressing not just gender-based discrimination but also the intersecting impacts of racial and economic inequalities that often stem from colonialism and slavery. Realistically this does require dismantling systemic aspects of the systems of oppression that continue to affect women today and which reflect aspects of colonial thought. Inspiration drawn from CEDAW and implementation of its provisions nationally have been instrumental in this regard and successes have resulted from invoking it. CEDAW is a legitimate base for further activism against gender inequalities and resistance by women against discrimination and oppression. Reliance on it will certainly assist women of colour in developing countries. This brief analysis suggest that strategies based on it should be continuing.
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