This essay examines some key points in considering whether ‘development is a project of whiteness’, and what are some recent trends that might suggest otherwise. As a start, we can take ‘development’ to mean a process of improving the economic, social and political conditions of a country (UNDP, 2024), and ‘whiteness’ as the dominance of Western (primarily European and North American) perspectives, values and practices in the field of international development (Ayling, 2019). Such white dominance would, as a matter of course, result in cultural biases that sideline or marginalize non-Western perspectives in development programs and projects. This situation has, however, been critiqued by development practitioners and academics. As a result, development concepts have matured so that non-Western perspectives do have influence on projects and programs, which has in turn diminished white cultural biases.
Historical precedents and context
During the colonial period (approximately from the late 15th to mid-20th centuries), European powers exploited the resources and labour of colonized regions around the world. They set up economic systems that benefited the Western bases and people (generally the upper and middle classes) of their empires, and this resulted in inequalities between the white colonizers and the colonized indigenous or local people. European powers justified this through the notion of the ‘civilizing mission’ (Watt, 2011) and ‘white gaze’ (Pailey, 2019), which brought with it a ‘white saviour complex’ (Loftsdóttir, 2014) in that Europeans were rescuing helpless colonized people of colour from poverty, lack of education, health deficiencies, tribal and similar conflicts, and general ‘backwardness’. This approach clearly aimed to impose Western values, norms and normalcy (Kothari, 2006b; Khoja-Moolji, 2020), and governance systems on colonized peoples, as means of control and exclusion (Khoja-Moolji, 2020), which assumed the superiority of European cultures. European development initiatives were certainly a project of whiteness.
When decolonization began in earnest after the formation of the United Nations in 1945, the ‘modernization theory’ (Goorha, 2017) in the mid-20th century still posited that newly independent developing nation-states should emulate Western economic and political systems, adjusted somewhat for social and cultural factors, to achieve national development. It was generally implicit in development thinking that the Western economic capitalist system, and thus way of life, was superior (Patel, 2023). Consequently, there was a disregard for indigenous socio-economics and indigenous or traditional knowledge systems. Furthermore, in the post-colonial era, the economic system of the Global North (capitalist, western and white) continued to ensure and entrench the dependency (Farny, 2016) of countries in the Global South on countries of the Global North. In this regard, development projects also continued to project whiteness.
International financial institutions like the World Bank, set up to support countries in their reconstruction and development efforts and poverty reduction goals after World War Two (World Bank, 2024), and the International Monetary Fund, set up to ensure global financial stability, facilitate international trade, and encourage economic growth (IMF, n.d.), were also predominantly influenced by Western countries (Hickel, 2020). Through their officials, they often dictated the terms of development funding and along with it economic policies for developing countries (Thorbecke, 2007). In particular, Structural Adjustment Programs came with conditions requiring recipient countries to implement neoliberal economic reforms (Thomson, Kentikelenis & Stubbs, 2017). This often led to reduced public spending on social services, disproportionately affecting the poor and marginalized in non-Western countries.
These funding projects and policies tended to reflect Western notions of development, with little regard for the socio-economic dynamics of recipient countries. The view still persisted that people in developing countries were both socially and economically underdeveloped, and even primitive. This reinforced stereotypes and failed to recognize the complexities and strengths of these societies. Whiteness in development still predominated. Added to this, is the high degree to which development projects lacked genuine participation from local communities (Flint & Blyth, 2021). Instead of utilizing local and indigenous knowledge and perspectives, Western experts and organizations often lead development projects (Kothari, 2006a).
Other examples of Western or whiteness cultural bias also persisted. This includes development initiatives in education that often promote Western curricula and pedagogical methods, undermining indigenous knowledge and educational practices (Akena, 2012). Development agendas also promoted Western consumption patterns as supposed indicators of progress (Jifari et al, 2012) and the individual entrepreneurship that goes with producing goods and services for consumption. This overlooks collective and community-based economic practices that are, for example, prevalent in many South Asian cultures (Cheng, 2001).
Moving away from whiteness in development
On the positive side, in the 21st century, steps have been taken to address whiteness in development projects. Such measures have come from both the Global North and the Global South. Firstly, the historical power imbalances created by colonialism have been acknowledged and apologised for. For example, in 2002 Belgium apologized (El Amouri & Smis, 2023) for the atrocities, violence and suffering inflicted during its colonial period in the Congo (around 1885-1960). Other European countries such as Germany, Italy and the Netherlands have made similar apologies and some reparations have occurred through new development programs (Martinovic, Freihorst & Bobowik, 2021).
Steps to promote inclusive local participation in development projects have also been taken. This means supporting local governance institutions and leadership to drive development agendas that reflect community priorities and contexts. For example, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has supported projects under its Equator Initiative (UNDP, 2022) for local sustainable development in agriculture and other sustainability solutions which involves local governance, particularly in relation to indigenous communities, to drive development and conservation efforts. In addition, this has provided income-generating opportunities for women for their households and for their economic independence (UNDP, 2023). Also, the Territorial Approach to Rural Development (TARD) in Latin America has empowered communities in rural areas to lead development initiatives in sustainable agriculture (de Janvry & Sadoulet, 2007) and subsequent value chains that involve processing and marketing of agricultural produce (Kato, Delgado & Romano, 2022). This helps ensure that development initiatives are led by the communities they aim to serve, with genuine participation and decision-making power, including for and by women.
Indigenous knowledge has also now become prominent in some development projects, and with this comes education in indigenous knowledge and practices. For example, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has promoted the integration of indigenous knowledge systems in various development projects through its Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (LINKS) initiative (UNESCO, 2018). As well, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) has supported projects that incorporate indigenous knowledge to enhance agricultural practices and food security (IFAD, 2022).
These types of initiatives are part of a broader move to design development policies that are sensitive to local contexts and needs, rather than imposing one-size-fits-all solutions. In this regard, there has been an emphasis on cooperation between countries in the Global South who collaborate and share development practices and knowledge bases, which bypasses the more traditional aid paradigm of the North (western and white) – South (others previously colonized) model. Of particular note is Agenda 2063 (African Union, n.d.) of the African Union (AU) which calls for people-driven development for a prosperous continent based on inclusivity, sustainable development, eradicating poverty, creating jobs, and access to education and healthcare for all. Similarly, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) has developed and implemented Action Plans (ECLA, 2021) to drive development across the region, such as the Action Plan for food security, nutrition and hunger eradication (ECLA, 2016). Both the CELAC and the AU aspire for gender equality and women’s empowerment in their plans and agendas (FAO, 2016; African Union, 2024).
Conclusion
The critique that development is a project of whiteness has certainly highlighted important issues of power and representation in development work, as well as inequality and cultural bias in the way development projects are implemented, which can lead to social division rather than social cohesion and development. This has led to a significant rethinking by those in the development field. Today, pathways for more inclusive, equitable and effective development practices are evident – they do exist and are leading away from development being white-centric. The absence of race in development discourse (White, 2002) is disappearing. There are indeed positive indicators that development work is moving towards practices and systems where people in developing countries are having real choices as to how they can benefit from such work on their own terms.
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